Trade  Union  Policies 
and  Tactics 


AN  OUTLINE 


By 

David  J.  Saposs 
Professor,  Trade  Unionism, 
Brookwood  Labor  College 
Instructor.  Workers'  University 


Educational  Series  No.  2 


International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union 


Educational  Department 
3  West  16th  Street 
New  York  City 


Institute  m£  Industrial  Relations 
University  of  California 
Los  Angeles  24,  California 


1928 


ice  15  Cents 


Library 


Copyright,  1928 

by 

International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union 


Inst.  Indus. 

toSII 

FOREWORD 


The  growth  and  importance  of  the  American  Labor  Move- 
ment depends  on  the  intelligence  and  understanding  of  its  mem- 
bers as  to  its  aims,  problems  and  policies.  In  this,  the  trade  union 
is  1  essentially  a  democratic  institution.  Each  member  is  a  full 
fledged  citizen,  having  a  voice  and  a  vote  in  its  councils.  No  pro- 
gram of  a  union,  no  matter  how  constructive  and  far-sighted  can 
succeed  unless  the  rank  and  file  understands  it  and  supports  it. 
So  the  union  is  effected  by  its  individual  members. 

To  what  extent  this  last  is  true  can  only  really  be  seen  when 
we  notice  how,  more  and  more,  the  union  is  becoming  the  work- 
ers' institution — a  medium  through  which  he  functions  socially, 
economically  and  politically. 

When  the  extent  of  this  mutual  reliance  is  clear,  it  becomes 
fully  apparent  that  the  condition  of  the  worker  entirely  depends 
on  the  strength  and  influence  of  the  union  with  which  his  in- 
terests are  so  closely  bound.  It  is  inevitable,  therefore,  that  the 
further  development  of  the  labor  movement  will  depend  upon  the 
sum  of  industrial  and  historical  knowledge  that  the  organized 
workers  collectively  possess.  Prom  the  sum  of  this  knowledge, 
the  worker  learns  what  methods,  applied  by  his  union,  worked 
to  his  advantage  and  what  policies  resulted  in  his  defeats.  There- 
fore, he  can  help  to  shape  the  future  policies  of  his  union  on 
this  basis  of  past  experience.  If  the  workers  understand  the 
history  of  the  labor  movement  and  if  they  know  the  details  of 
the  various  attempts  made  by  previous  generations  to  change  our 
economic  and  political  systems,  they  will  have  a  basis  for  the 
understanding  of  present  day  conditions. 

This  and  other  considerations  influenced  th<  publication  of 
Mr.  Saposs'  outline.  The  importance  of  the  outline,  however, 
rests  very  largely  upon  the  method  by  which  it  came  into  being. 
The  author  prepared  it  as  a  syllabus  for  his  class  in  "Trade  Union 
Policies  and  Tactics,"  given  in  the  Workers'  University  of  the 
Internatonal  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union.  Over  a  period  of 
several  years  the  outline  was  continually  revised  by  Mr.  Saposs. 
In  this  revision,  he  was  following  the  general  policy  of  the  Work- 
ers' University — that  the  contribution  made  by  students  in  the 
classroom  discussions  should  be  incorporated  into  the  body  of 
the  course.  The  result,  in  this  case,  is  a  pamphlet  in  which 
scholarly  research  is  enriched  by  the  daily  experience  of  the 
workers.  Because  of  the  unique  way  in  which  this  outline  came 
into  being,  we  can  recommend  it  to  all  workers  as  well  as  to 
others  who  are  eager  for  a  practical  as  well  as  a  scholarly  un- 
derstanding of  the  American  Labor  Movement. 


940582 


A  list  of  references  has  been  added  to  each  section  of  the 
syllabus.  These  will  refer  the  reader  to  more  detailed  sources 
of  information  about  our  Labor  Movement. 

It  is,  likewise,  a  part  of  the  method  followed  by  the  instruct- 
ors in  the  classes  of  our  Educational  Department,  to  prepare 
complete  outlines  of  each  lesson  during  a  course.  Copies  of 
these  are  given  to  the  students.  During  the  lesson  the  class 
follows  the  outline,  making  only  necessary  notes.  At  the  end  of 
the  term,  each  student  has  in  his  possession  a  complete  syllabus 
of  the  entire  course — one  which  is  sufficiently  valuable  to  be  pre- 
served for  reference  and  as  a  foundation  for  further  study  of  the 
subject. 

F.  M.  G. 

New  York  City 
April,  1928 


A  Course  in  Trade  Union  Policies  and  Tactics 

Given  in  the 
Workers'  University- 
International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union 


Table  of  Contents 

Foreword. 
Introduction. 

1.  Underlying  Forces  Influencing  Structure  and  Policy  of 

Trade  Unions. 

2.  Industrial  Evolution  and  the  Origin  of  the  Working 

Class. 

3.  Economic  Attempts  to  Change  Present  System. 

4.  Political  Attempts  to  Change  Present  System. 

5.  Form  and  Structure. 

6.  The  I.  W.  W.  and  Dual  Unionism. 

7.  The  Role  of  the  Immigrant  in  the  Labor  Movement. 

8.  The  Intellectual  in  the  Labor  Movement. 

9.  The  American  Federation  of  Labor. 
Conclusion:    The  Future  of  Trade  LTnion  Action. 


The  work  of  the  Educational  Department  of  the  Inter- 
national Ladies'  Garment  W orkers1  Union  is  based  on  a 
conviction  that  the  aims  and  aspirations  of  the  workers 
can  be  realized  only  through  their  own  efforts  in  the  eco- 
nomic and  educational  fields.  While  organisation  gives 
them  power,  education  gives  them  the  ability  to  use  that 
power  intelligently  and  effectively. 

The  education  offered  is  planned  to  accomplish  this  aim. 
While  some  of  it  is  intended  to  satisfy  the  intellectual  and 
the  emotional  needs  of  workers,  the  main  emphasis  is  laid 
on  what  meets  their  practical  needs.  The  problems  of  the 
labor  movement  are  analyzed  and  clarified  by  the  study  of 
general  principles  underlying  them.  In  this  way  it  is  pos- 
sible to  train  fresh  energy,  new  experience  and  power  for 
the  service  of  the  International  and  of  the  entire  Labor 
Movement  of  America,  and  to  help  our  members  to 
achieve  their  purposes  with  the  ultimate  goal  of  living  a 
full,  rich  and  happy  life. 


Introduction 

THE  labor  movement  is  undergoing  a  most  intensive  self- 
analysis.   Changing  conditions  brought  on  by  the  war  have 
upset  traditions  and  old  conceptions.    New  problems  have 
to  be  coped  with. 

All  social  movements  and  organizations,  including  labor,  find 
themselves  forced  to  readapt  their  organizations,  policies  and 
tactics  to  meet  these  new  conditions.  The  readaptations  which 
labor  is  called  upon  to  make  in  view  of  the  changing  conditions 
is  a  direct  outgrowth  of  the  role  it  aspires  to  play  in  the  read- 
justment of  modern  civilization.  Because  labor's  influence  in  the 
course  of  this  social  transition  has  been  assuming  larger  propor- 
tions it  finds  itself  confronted  with  many  new  problems.  Conse- 
quently, the  atmosphere  in  labor  circles  is  surcharged  with  dis- 
cussion of  aims,  policies  and  tactics  that  will  best  serve  labor  in 
fulfilling  its  historic  mission.  During  such  critical  periods  it  be- 
hooves all  thoughtful  participants  to  re-appraise  the  past  ac- 
complishments of  labor  and  gauge  its  future  possibilities,  in  order 
to  more  intelligently  determine  on  a  mode  of  procedure  that  will 
enable  it  to  realize  its  objective. 

Those  who  interest  themselves  in  the  future  of  the  labor 
movement  should  understand  the  underlying  forces  that  mold 
and  direct  trade  union  policies  They  should  know  the  part 
tradition,  social  ideals,  leaders  and  members  contribute  in  determ- 
ining what  course  a  labor  organization  should  pursue.  Similarly, 
they  should  understand  the  extent  to  which  technical  and  in- 
dustrial development  of  the  trade  or  industry,  and  the  nature 
of  markets  influence  tactics  and  policies.  Other  forces  must 
also  be  considered  like  strength  of  the  union,  strength  of  the 
entire  labor  movement,  strength  of  the  capitalist  class,  and  the 
attitude  and  temper  of  the  public. 

Trade  unionists  who  aim  to  serve  the  labor  movement  must 
know  the  relation  of  each  unit  in  the  movement,  as  well  as  the 
functions  each  is  performing.  They  should  be  familiar  with  at- 
tempts to  reform  and  transform  the  present  labor  movement  and 
with  what  success  those  undertakings  met.  Likewise,  they  must 
know  what  can  be  expected  from  the  auxiliary  branches  of  the 
movement,  like  the  labor  press,  co-operation,  political  action,  and 
so  on. 

The  active  trade  unionist  is  inevitably  preoccupied  with  the 
pressing  daily  problems  of  his  own  organization  so  that  he  has 
little  opportunity  to  keep  abreast  of  developments  in  the  labor 
world.  It  is  hoped  that  this  brief  course  of  lessons  may  serve  as 
an  aid  for  stock  taking  by  reviewing  the  historic  as  well  as  cur- 
rent trade  union  thought  and  practice  with  reference  to  funda- 
mental policies  and  practices. 

7 


1.    UNDERLYING  FORCES  OP  TRADE  UNION  POLICIES 


I. 

1.  While  the  study  of  trade  union  policies  and  tactics  has 
not  been  reduced  to  a  science,  nevertheless,  it  is  possible  to  in- 
dicate certain  fairly  denned  forces  that  influence  principles, 
tactics  and  policies. 

2.  No  intelligent  approach  to  trade  union  problems  can  be 
made  without  a  knowledge  of  these  forces  which  are  an  out- 
growth of  the  interplay  of  economic,  social,  psychological,  politi- 
cal, technical  and  personal  factors. 

3.  Under  different  circumstances  these  forces  manifest 
themselves  in  different  combinations,  so  that  at  one  time  one  or 
several  may  predominate,  while  at  another  time  a  different  com- 
bination may  prevail.  Bearing  this  warning  in  mind,  it  is  safe  to 
describe  and  characterize  the  most  important  ones. 

n. 

1.  The  development  of  national  markets  and  avenues  of 
communication  has  made  it  necessary  for  unions  to  organize  on 
national  rather  than  local  and  sectional  lines. 

2.  Technical  and  industrial  development  made  it  possible  to 
carry  on  production  with  semi-skilled  and  unskilled  workers,  as 
well  as  in  large  scale  and  trustified  plants,  and  has  therefore 
forced  many  unions  to  abandon  strictly  craft  lines  and  to  either 
amalgamate  or  federate  into  department  and  other  intercraft 
alliances. 

3.  The  rapidity  with  which  unions  adapt  themselves  to  new 
conditions  depends  largely  upon  the  personality  of  the  leaders 
and  the  understanding  which  the  rank  and  file  has  of  the  prob- 
lems confronting  them.  Traditions  and  social  ideals  of  members 
and  leaders  will  determine  whether  a  union  is  militant  or 
cowardly,  conservative,  liberal  or  radical.  An  articulate  and  in- 
telligent membership  can  force  its  leaders  to  follow  certain 
policies  and  tactics.  On  the  other  hand,  shrewd  and  calculating 
leaders  can  frustrate  the  wishes  of  the  rank  and  file.  Where  the 
membership  is  wholly  unacquainted  with  social  and  political 
philosophies,  the  leaders  naturally  dictate  the  outlook  and  ac- 
tivities of  the  union  at  will. 

4.  Likewise,  the  financial  and  numerical  strength  of  a  union 
will  decide  whether  it  can  extend  its  activities  beyond  merely 
organizing  shops  which  are  owned  by  friendly  employers,  or  by 
employers  operating  on  a  small  scale  and  consequently  financially 
so  situated  that  they  are  unable  to  fight  even  a  weak  union. 

5.  Strong  unions  are  sometimes  baffled  in  extending  their 
activities,  because  of  the  incapacity  of  their  leaders  to  cope  with 
the  problems  which  attend  an  organizing  campaign  in  large  scale 
and  trustified  plants.  Often,  powerful  employers'  associations 
can  withstand  all  attempts  to  organize  their  workers.   The  metal 

8 


trades  are  notoriously  "open  shop",  and  also  boast  of  the  most 
powerful  employers'  associations. 

III. 

In  no  instance  can  one  force  be  abstracted  and  used  to 
explain  the  complicated  social  phenomena  which  affect  trade 
union  policies  and  tactics,  but  a  close  scrutiny  of  any  situation 
will  generally  reveal  that  some  or  all  of  the  above  described 
forces  enter  into  it. 


2.    INDUSTRIAL  EVOLUTION  AND  THE  ORIGIN  OF 
THE  WORKING  CLASS 

I. 

a.  To  understand  how  capitalism  functions,  the  beginnings 
of  the  working  class  and  the  policies  and  tactics  of  unions,  it  is 
necessary  to  understand  industrial  evolution  and  how  the  present 
capitalist  system  developed. 

b.  Other  social  forces  like  tradition,  custom,  institutions, 
leadership  have  also  left  their  mark  on  the  development  of 
capitalism  and  the  labor  movement;  the  economic  factors,  how- 
ever are  the  most  important. 

II. 

These  econoic  forces  may  be  divided  into  three  great  cate- 
gories. But  this  is  done  in  order  to  better  understand  their 
various  ramifications.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that 
they  are  interdependent  and  operate  simultaneously. 

III. 

a.  The  first  of  these  great  economic  forces  explains  indus- 
trial evolution  according  to  the  manner  in  which  man  produces. 
It  is  the  theory'  made  famous  by  Marx  and  Engles  and  is  known 
as  the  Production  Theory,  or  the  theory  that  explains  industrial 
evolution  on  the  lines  of  technical  development. 

b.  Without  technical  improvements  the  modern  factory  sys- 
tem would  not  have  been  possible.  It  is  the  lack  of  technical 
improvements  that  has  made  it  possible  in  the  needle  trades 
to  produce  wearing  apparel  in  sweat-shops  and  contract  shops 
with  their  innumerable  and  bafHing  evils. 

IV. 

a,  The  second  of  these  great  economic  forces  explains  in- 
dustrial evolution  by  the  markets  in  which  man  sells  that  which 
he  produces.    It  is  known  as  the  market  theory. 

b.  According  to  the  Market  Theory: 

1.    Man  first  produced  to  satisfy  his  own  wants. 


9 


2.  Later  as  towns  grew  up,  people  began  to  specialize 
and  produce  only  a  certain  product  which  they  now 
sold  in  order  to  get  money  to  buy  the  commodities 
they  needed; 

3.  With  the  building  of  roads,  canals,  steamships  and 
railroads,  the  area  in  wrhich  the  manufactured  goods 
was  sold,  expanded  first  throughout  the  nation  and 
then  throughout  the  world,  so  that  now  we  have 
world  markets. 

c.  This  expansion  of  markets  has  affected  the  tactics  of  or- 
ganized labor.  Trade  agreements  are  made  on  the  basis  of 
markets;  hence  a  separate  agreement  is  made  with  the  dress 
and  waist  employers  to  cover  that  market,  and  the  same  is  true 
of  the  cloak  and  suit  market. 

d.  The  boycott  and  the  union  label  are  means  through 
which  labor  attempts  to  exercise  its  influence  in  the  control  of 
markets. 

1.  Through  the  boycott,  labor  withholds  patronage  from 
unfair  employers. 

2.  Through  the  union  label,  labor  bestows  patronage 
upon  fair  employers. 

V. 

a.  The  third  of  these  great  theories  explains  industrial 
evolution  according  to  the  manner  in  which  man  sells  the  results 
of  his  labor.  This  is  known  as  the  Bargaining  Theory,  and  is 
concerned  with  the  question:  with  whom  does  the  worker  or 
producer  strike  the  bargain  for  the  wTork  he  performs? 

b.  In  the  early  history  of  industry  the  worker  produced 
directly  for  the  customer  or  consumer,  so  that  there  were  no 
middle-men  between  the  worker  and  the  consumer.  Later  the 
retail  merchant  stepped  in  between  the  worker  and  the  consumer, 
so  that  the  worker  no  longer  sold  his  product  to  the  consumer 
but  worked  for  the  retail  merchant.  Following  this,  we  have 
the  wholesale  merchant  and  the  manufacturer  for  whom  the 
worker  produced,  and  who  sold  to  the  retail  merchant,  who  in 
turn  sold  to  the  consumer. 

c.  This  separation  of  the  worker  from  the  consumer  has 
made  it  possible  for  the  capitalist  to  exploit  both  the  worker  and 
the  consumer,  and  forced  the  workers  to  organize  into  unions. 

Vt 

a.  It  was  this  development  of  factory  production,  national 
and  world  markets,  and  the  middle  man  or  capitalist,  which 
made  it  impossible  for  the  worker  to  sell  direct  to  the  consumer 
that  brought  about  modern  capitalism  and  a  permanent  working 
class. 

b.  Modern  capitalism  is,  therefore,  an  outgrowth  of  large 
scale  production  and  national  and  world  markets.    These  entail 


10 


huge  amounts  of  capital  and  therefore  make  it  impossible  for 
the  ordinary  worker  to  own  his  little  shop  and  sell  direct  to  the 
customer. 

c.  Large  scale  business  and  exploitation  of  national  and 
world  markets  is  made  possible  by  concentration  of  capital  and 
credit  in  the  hands  of  banks  and  great  financial  institutions. 
The  key  to  modern  capitalism,  therefore,  is  credit  control.  Those 
who  control  credit,  dominate  industry  and  commerce  and  thereby 
dominate  all  society. 

d.  This  explains  the  labor  bank  movement  that  is  spreading 
throughout  the  country,  producers'  and  consumers'  cooperation 
and  nationalization  of  industry. 

REFERENCES : 
Commons  and  Associates;   History  of  Labor  in  the  United  States.  Vol. 
I,  Part  1. 

Saposs,  What  Lies  Back  of  the  Labor  Bank  Movement,  American  Labor 
Monthly,  March,  1924. 


3.    ECONOMIC  ATTEMPTS  TO  CHANGE  PRESENT  SYSTEM 

1. 

a.  It  is  erroneously  supposed  that  the  strike  is  the  only 
form  of  direct  or  economic  action. 

b.  Hence  those  radicals  who  are  opposed  to  political  action 
advocate  the  general  strike  as  the  means  of  changing  the  capital- 
istic system. 

II. 

a.  The  history  of  the  labor  movement  reveals  that  organized 
labor  has  resorted  to  other  forms  of  direct  or  economic  action  to 
abolish  the  wage  system. 

b.  These  forms  are  as  old  as  the  labor  movement  and  have 
reappeared  from  time  to  time. 

III. 

a.  At  one  time  in  the  labor  movement  there  was  an  influen- 
tial element  which  believed  that  the  most  ideal  system  would  be 
a  return  to  domestic  economy,  in  which  industry  is  subordinated 
to  agriculture. 

c.  In  the  thirties  Robert  Owen  and  many  of  his  followers 
founded  New  Harmony  in  Indiana,  a  colony  based  on  agriculture 
and  operated  on  non-capitalistic  lines. 

d.  During  the  forties  and  fifties,  Albert  Brisbane,  father  of 
Arthur  Brisbane,  and  known  as  the  first  American  Socialist,  in- 
troduced Pourierism  into  this  country,  and  many  agricultural 
colonies  known  as  Phalanxes,  were  founded. 

e.  During  the  nineties,  this  movement  received  new  en- 


li 


couragement  and  many  Socialists  organized  colonies  in  the  West 
and  South,  some  of  which  are  still  in  existence, 

f.  While  these  colonies  have  enabled  a  select  number  of 
persons  to  forsake  city  and  industrial  life  and  live  in  the  country 
on  agricultural  pursuits,  they  have  not  made  any  headway  in 
supplanting  the  capitalist  system. 

IV. 

a.  When  industry  was  still  primitive  and  the  capitalist  sys- 
tem in  its  infancy,  groups  in  the  labor  movement  thought  they 
could  control  capitalism  through  the  cooperative  marketing  of 
their  products. 

b.  This  was  the  period  of  handicraft  production,  when  each 
worker  still  owned  his  tools  and  worked  in  his  home  or  little  shop. 

c.  His  problem  was  to  dispose  of  his  product  to  the  con- 
sumer. Between  him  and  the  consumer  stood  the  middleman  or 
merchant  who  forced  the  worker  to  divide  the  profits  with  him, 
for  the  privilege  of  selling  his  wares. 

d.  This  is  still  the  predicament  of  the  farmer,  who  is  there- 
fore still  interested  in  cooperative  marketing,  government  owner- 
ship of  warehouses  and  railroads,  which  will  enable  him  to 
market  his  own  products  without  the  intervention  of  the  middle- 
man. 

V. 

a.  When  the  factory  system  superseded  the  handicraft  mode 
of  production,  the  worker  no  longer  had  sufficient  capital  to  in- 
dividually own  the  means  of  production  and  the  necessary  raw 
materials. 

b.  Hence,  when  workers  became  determined  to  replace  cap- 
italism, they  turned  to  cooperative  production  or  collective  owner- 
ership  of  the  means  of  production  by  the  workers  of  the  shop. 

c.  This  was  the  ideal  of  the  self-governing  shop,  in  which 
every  worker  was  an  equal  owner  with  his  fellow  workers  of  the 
shop  in  which  they  worked. 

VI. 

a.  Another  group  felt  that  this  form  of  producers'  coopera- 
tion merely  made  small  capitalists  out  of  individual  workers. 

b.  They  advocated  that  cooperative  shops  should  be  founded 
and  governed  by  all  the  workers  of  the  industry  through  their 
unions.  That  is,  the  union,  on  behalf  of  the  workers,  should 
own  cooperative  shops  and  thus  abolish  capitalism. 

c.  The  Knights  of  Labor  actually  bought  a  mine  on  thte 
basis,  but  because  of  disagreement  among  the  leaders  and  mem- 
bers, were  forced  to  give  it  up. 

VII. 

a.  Another  group  of  workers  argued  that  he  who  controls 
markets,  controls  production  and  dominates  the  capitalist  sys- 


12 


tern.  Therefore,  those  who  wish  to  capture  the  system  must 
concentrate  on  first  capturing  the  markets. 

b.  They  also  argued,  that  the  consuming  function  of  man 
is  more  vital  than  the  producing  function,  and  that  therefore  in- 
dustrial society  and  life  should  be  controlled  from  the  consump- 
tion end. 

c.  According  to  this  theory,  labor  should  concentrate  upon 
consumers'  cooperation.  In  this  way  workers  can  capture  the 
markets  and  then  take  over  the  factories  producing  for  these 
markets. 

d.  The  classic  example  of  the  success  of  this  procedure  is 
the  cooperative  movement  of  England  which  started  as  consum- 
ers' cooperation  and  now  owns  factories,  plantations,  steamships, 
etc. 

e.  Those  who  believe  in  producers'  cooperation  and  Guild 
Socialism,  hold  that  the  producer  function  is  the  most  vital  and 
industrial  life  should  be  controlled  from  that  end. 

vm. 

a.  Another  group  also  endorses  the  belief  that  labor  should 
emancipate  itself  through  economic  action  and  asserts  that  credit 
control  is  the  only  key  to  modern  capitalism. 

b.  This  element  bases  its  contention  on  the  ground  that 
banks  and  great  financiers  dominate  modern  business  and  that 
labor  must  first  organize  its  own  banks  and  then  after  controlling 
credit,  will  branch  out  into  controlling  production  and  markets. 
By  controlling  credit,  the  other  two  basic  economic  activities  will 
also  be  controlled. 

c.  This  idea  of  credit  control  and  labor  banks  was  first 
broached  in  the  forties.  Some  unsuccessful  attempts  were  even 
made  to  launch  labor  banks. 

d.  But  for  various  reasons,  the  radical  and  reform  elements 
in  the  labor  movement  lost  sight  of  this  angle  and  busied  them- 
selves with  attempting  to  capture  production  and  markets. 

e.  Only  recently  has  the  labor  movement  again  taken  up 
credit  control  and  labor  banks,  which  are  now  cropping  out 
throughout  the  country. 


Readings: 

Commons  and  Associates:  History  of  Labor  in  the  United 
States,  Vol.  I,  Part  II,  Chap.  II  and  VI;  Vol.  II.  Part  VI. 
Chap.  XI. 

Saposs,  Labor  Banks  and  Trade  LTnion  Capitalism,  American 
Review,  September,  1923. 


13 


4.    POLITICAL  ATTEMPTS  TO  CHANGE  PRESENT  SYSTEM 


L 

1.  No  vital  social  movement  which  functions  in  a  society 
governed  by  political  institutions  can  escape  politics. 

2.  Hence,  from  its  very  inception,  Labor  in  the  United  States 
was  keenly  interested  in  politics. 

3.  The  first  Labor  Movement  in  the  country,  in  1827,  al- 
though organized  for  trade  union  and  economic  action,  was  sud- 
denly thrown  into  the  throes  of  politics. 

IL 

1.  Thereafter  the  Labor  Movement  fluctuated  periodically 
between  political  and  economic  action. 

2.  During  prosperity  and  high  prices,  workers  would  organ- 
ize into  unions  in  order  to  protect  their  standard  of  living  and 
otherwise  to  better  their  working  conditions. 

3.  With  the  return  of  depression  and  unemployment,  work- 
ers invariably  abandoned  their  unions  for  political  action. 

4.  This  tendency  was  chronic  up  to  the  '90s,  and  was  the 
result  of  unstable  economic  conditions  of  the  country. 

m. 

1.  The  political  demands  of  the  workers  during  the  early 
history  of  the  Labor  Movement  consisted  of: 

a.  Legislative  demands  furthering  their  interests  as  workers ; 

b.  Laws  that  would  enable  them  to  become  property  owners 
and  small  producers. 

2.  The  philosophy  underlying  these  political  movements  was 
a  middle  class  one,  based  upon  harmony  of  Capital  and  Labor, 
and  upon  the  introduction  of  a  society  of  small  manufacturers, 
merchants,  and  farmers. 

3.  As  a  result  of  these  political  manifestations,  we  have  the 
present  public  school  system,  mechanic's  lien  laws,  homestead 
law,  laws  prohibiting  imprisonment  for  debt. 

IV. 

1.  In  the  early  '60s  and  late  '70s,  the  German  immigrant 
workers  brought  Socialism  to  this  country,  with  its  class  con- 
sciousness. 

2.  They  organized  their  own  unions  and  political  clubs, 
based  on  the  Socialist  philosophy. 

3.  At  the  same  time  they  also  set  out  to  convert  the  Ameri- 
can workers.  But  the  latter  persistently  adhered  to  middle  class 
philosophies. 

4.  For  each  element  had  its  own  political  party,  and  efforts 
at  reconciliation  proved  futile. 

V. 

1.  In  the  meantime,  because  of  the  failures  of  political  ac- 
tion and  its  encroachments  upon  the  unions,  an  element  de- 
veloped that  was  opposed  to  political  action. 

14 


2.  Gompers  and  the  leaders  of  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  were  the  champions  of  this  doctrine  and  tactic. 

3.  The  Socialists,  on  the  other  hand,  concentrated  on  com- 
mitting the  American  Federation  of  Labor  to  independent  politi- 
cal action. 

4.  In  1886,  they  succeeded,  with  the  cooperation  of  the  non- 
Socialist  political  element  in  securing  an  endorsement  of  the 
various  independent  political  movements.  But  in  1889  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  rejected  a  resolution  for  the  forma- 
tion of  an  independent  political  party. 

5  The  struggle  now  became  bitter  between  the  Socialists 
and  Gompers.  Through  their  persistence,  the  Socialists  in  1894 
put  through  a  political  platform  and  resolutions  calling  for  an 
independent  political  party. 

6.  Next  year,  Gompers  and  the  leaders  of  the  International 
unions  turned  the  tables.  Some  of  the  prominent  Socialists,  led 
by  Daniel  DeLeon,  became  disheartened  and  left  the  Federation 
to  organize  independent  unions  that  would  endorse  Socialism  and 
the  Socialist  Labor  Party.  Those  that  remained  were  naturally 
much  weakened. 

VL 

1.  The  American  Federation  of  Labor  set  out  at  first  on  a 
purely  lobbying  program. 

2.  It  did  not  succeed  in  getting  results  through  this  pro- 
cedure, and  embarked  in  1904  upon  the  policy  of  "reward  your 
friends  and  punish  your  enemies",  by  endorsing  candidates  of 
the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  favorable  to  Labor,  and 
by  encouraging  union  men  to  stand  for  office. 

3.  As  a  result  of  this  new  policy,  Gompers  and  a  com- 
mittee appeared  before  the  platform  committee  of  the  Republi- 
can convention.  Receiving  little  response,  they  turned  to  the 
Democrats.   The  latter  adopted  several  planks  favorable  to  Labor. 

4.  Since  then,  and  up  to  the  last  presidential  election,  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  has  endorsed  and  campaigned  for 
the  Democratic  Party  nationally,  but  has  endorsed  Democrats  and 
Republicans  for  Federal  and  State  offices. 

vn. 

1.  That  element  of  the  Socialists  which  opposed  abandoning 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor  organized  the  Socialist  Party 
in  1901. 

2.  They  set  up  the  principle  of  not  interfering  with  the 
internal  affairs  of  the  trade  unions,  but  of  trying  to  convert  them 
to  Socialism. 

3.  Up  to  the  war  they  made  fair  headway,  but  with  the 
war  the  Socialists  and  radicals  divided  into  factions,  and  have 
been  kept  too  busy  fighting  each  other  to  carry  on  their  propa- 
ganda work. 

4.  On  the  other  hand,  the  non-partisan  political  policy  of 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor  has  introduced  a  variety  of 


15 


political  opinions  among  the  workers,  so  that  they  do  not  act 
as  a  unit  on  the  political  field  as  they  do  on  the  economic  field. 

5.  At  present,  there  is  chaos  and  confusion  in  the  political 
realm  of  the  Labor  Movement. 

Readings: 

Hunter,  Robert — Labor  in  Politics;  The  Socialist  Party,  1915. 

Marot,  Helen — American  Labor  Unions;  Chapter  XLX,  Labor 
In  politics— Holt,  1914. 

Perlman,  S. — History  of  Trade  Unionism  in  the  United 
States;  Chapter  IV,  Why  There  Is  Not  a  Labor  Party,  Macmillan, 
1922. 

Hillquit,  Morris — History  of  Socialism  in  the  United  States, 
Chapter  IV,  Present  Day  Socialism. 

Commons  and  Associates — History  of  Labor  in  the  United 
States;  Vol.  I,  Part  II,  Chap.  II,  Rise  and  Growth  in  Phialdelphia ; 
Chap.  Ill,  Workingmen's  Parties  in  New  York;  Chap  IV,  Spread 
of  the  Movement;  Chap.  V,  New  England  Associates  of  Farmers, 
Mechanics  and  other  workingmen;  Vol.  II,  Part  VI,  Chapt.  II, 
Revolutionary  Beginnings;  Chap.  VI,  The  Greenback  Labor  Agita- 
tion; Chap.  VI,  Prom  Socialism,  1876-1880;  Anarchism  and  Svndi- 
calism,  1876-1880;  Chap.  XII,  The  Political  Upheaval,  1886-i887; 
pp.  509-510 — The  Latest  Attempts  Toward  a  Labor  Party. 


5.    FORM  AND  STRUCTURE  OF  UNIONS 

I. 

1.  Social  movements  must  have  organization  to  coordinate 
their  activities  and  make  them  effective  as  well  as  to  discipline 
the  participants. 

2.  The  effectiveness  of  unions  depends  to  a  large  extent 
upon  their  form  and  structure.  Whether  workers  should  be 
organized  on  craft,  trade  or  industrial  lines  has  been  the  bone  of 
contention  in  the  Labor  Movement  since  its  inception. 

3.  This  subject  can  be  most  intelligently  approached  by 
tracing  historically  the  development  of  form  and  structure,  and 
then  analyzing  the  various  types  in  existence  at  present. 

II. 

1.  The  first  unions  in  this  country  were  formed  on  craft 
lines  by  handicraftsmen. 

2.  With  the  introduction  of  machinery  and  division  of  labor, 
culminating  in  the  modern  factory,  the  efficiency  of  craft  union- 
ism began  to  be  questioned.  Nearly  all  unions  widened  their 
jurisdiction  and  admitted  semi-skilled  workers  to  membership. 
A  few  admitted  the  unskilled. 


16 


in. 


1.  Much  confusion  prevailed  over  form  and  structure  up 
to  the  formation  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor.  Previous 
thereto,  craft,  industrial  and  "One  Big  Union"  forms  operated 
side  by  side. 

2.  This  confusion  reached  its  height  in  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  a  conglomerate  body  including  organizations  of  all  the 
discontented  whether  they  were  merchants,  farmers  or  workers. 

3.  Soon  two  ideas  crystallized  as  to  form  and  structure: 
One  element  believed  that  all  members  irrespective  of  craft, 
trade  or  calling,  belong  to  the  same  union,  and  that  their  affairs 
should  be  subjected  to  the  control  of  the  central  organization. 
The  other  element  favored  segregation  on  craft  and  trade  lines, 
with  trade  autonomy  for  each  unit.  This  group  consisted  largely 
of  wage  workers. 

IV. 

1.  Because  of  the  "One  Big  Union"  element  which  prevailed, 
the  trade  union  element  withdrew  and  joined  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor.  Structurally,  this  organization  believes 
in  international  craft  or  trade  unions,  with  exclusive  control  over 
all  workers  of  the  trade  or  craft,  and  with  complete  autonomy 
over  their  internal  affairs. 

2.  With  a  few  exceptions  the  prevailing  union  type  at 
present  is  the  trade  rather  than  the  craft  union.  This  was 
brought  about  by  ama1gamations  and  paralleled  the  develop- 
ment of  large-scale  production. 

V. 

1.  With  the  trustification  of  industry  another  step  was 
taken.  Unions  claiming  jurisdiction  over  workers  in  trustified 
industries,  joined  to  carry  on  organizing  campaigns,  strikes  and 
bargaining  jointly. 

2.  This  is  how  the  iron  and  steel,  packing,  railroad,  ship- 
building and  other  trustified  industries  were  organized. 

3.  To  meet  the  new  need,  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  created  a  Building  Trades,  Metal  Trades,  Mining  and 
Railway  Employes  Department. 

4.  These  intercraft  federations  and  departments  are  in- 
tended to  enable  trade  and  craft  unions  to  act  as  a  unit  in  each 
industry. 

5.  They  differ  from  industrial  unions  in  that  it  remains 
optional  with  each  union  to  join  or  refrain  from  joining  the 
other  unions  in  the  industry,  and  it  can  withdraw  whenever 
it  sees  fit. 

6.  This  form  of  autonomy  has  often  prevented  united 
action,  and  has  weakened  the  efforts  of  the  remaining  unions. 

17 


VI. 


1.  At  present  the  advocates  of  industrial  unionism  agitate 
indiscriminately  for  two  types  of  industrial  unions. 

2.  One  form  would  consist  of  all  the  workers  employed 
by  a  specific  business  unit,  as  workers  employed  by  railroads 
or  iron  and  steel  mills. 

3.  The  second  type  would  organize  all  workers  engaged 
on  a  specific  kind  of  material  as  metal  trades,  clothing  and 
wearing  apparel  trades,  etc. 

4.  Industrial  unionism  is  inevitable  if  trustified  industries 
are  to  be  organized.  The  present  makeshifts  have  proved  in- 
effective. But  it  would  behoove  the  advocates  of  industrial 
unionists  to  study  carefully  the  obstacles  and  problems  con- 
fronting them. 

Readings 

Commons — Trade  Union  and  Labor  Problems,  Amalgama- 
tion of  Related  Trades,  pp.  362-385. 

Cole — World  of  Labor,  Industrial  Unionism  and  Amalgama- 
tion, pp.  205-258. 

Savage — Industrial  Unionism,  Industrial  Unionism  within  the 
A.  F.  of  L.,  pp.  3-142. 

Marot — American  Labor  Union,  Industrial  and  Trade  Organ- 
ization, pp.  78-112. 

The  Steel  Strike  of  1919,  Interchurch  World  Movement  Re- 
port, Organizing  for  Conference,  pp.  144-196. 

Foster— The  Great  Steel  Strike. 

Saposs — How  the  Steel  Workers  Were  Organized — A  Phase 
of  the  New  Trade  Union  Technic,  Survey,  Nov.  8,  1919. 

In  the  Wake  of  the  Great  Strike,  Labor  Age,  January,  1923. 
Readings  in  Trade  Unionism,  Chaps.  IX  and  X. 


6.    THE  I.  W.  W.  AND  DUAL  UNIONISM 
I. 

1.  Just  as  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  was  the  rival 
of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  it  in  turn  has  had  to  contend  with 
opponents. 

2.  The  attempt  to  organize  internationals  in  opposition  to 
those  afiiliated  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  or  a 
combination  of  unions  to  replace  the  Federation  itself,  is  popu- 
larly known  as  "dual  unionism." 

n. 

1.  Some  of  the  dual  unions  do  not  differ  in  philosophy  and 
tactics  from  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  unions.  They 
were  founded  largely  on  account  of  dissatisfaction  with  the 
leaders  of  the  old  union,  because  of  rivalry  between  leaders,  etc. 

18 


2.  Dual  unions  of  this  nature  are  apt  to  be  socialistic  and 
to  favor  industrial  unionism.  But  they  believe  in  collective 
bargaining  and  trade  agreements,  trade  autonomy,  strike  funds, 
benefit  features  and  other  practices  common  to  either  radical  or 
conservative  unions  within  the  American  Federation  of  Labor. 

m. 

1.  Another  element  has  organized  dual  unions  to  replace 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  because  it  differs  fundamen- 
tally on  policies,  tactics  and  philosophies. 

2.  Several  such  organizations  have  challenged  the  leader- 
ship of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  during  its  existence. 

3.  The  I.  W.  W.  is  the  most  outstanding.  It  took  an  un- 
compromising position  against  collective  barganing  and  trade 
agreements,  strike  funds,  benefit  features  and  other  "oppor- 
tunistic and  immediate  demands''  to  improve  the  conditions  of 
the  workers.  It  set  out  to  stress  ultimate  aims  to  be  secured 
through  highly  centralized  and  non-autonomous  industrial  unions 
and  departments  and  the  general  strike. 

IV. 

1.  In  its  attempt  to  win  over  unions  affiliated  with  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  it  made  little  headway. 

2.  Its  chief  success  lay  in  following  up  failures  of  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  Unions. 

a.  A  number  of  American  Federation  of  Labor  unions  failed 
in  organizing  trustified  industries  which  employed  large  numbers 
of  unskilled  and  immigrant  workers. 

b.  Likewise,  in  a  number  of  instances  the  leaders  of  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Labor  Unions  did  not  know  how  to  reach  the 
immigrant  workers,  or  could  not  hold  their  confidence. 

3.  On  the  other  hand,  the  I.  W.  W.  made  a  special  effort 
to  reach  these  workers.  It  distributed  its  propaganda  in  their 
languages,  and  developed  organizers  from  the  more  alert  of 
the  various  immigrant  groups;  and  in  this  manner  it  succeeded 
in  advertising  itself  among  these  immigrant  and  unskilled  work- 
ers, winning  their  confidence  and  becoming  their  mentor. 

4.  Naturally  when  the  working  conditions  of  these  workers 
became  unbearable  and  they  spontaneously  joined  in  a  strike, 
they  turned  to  the  I.  W.  W.  for  leadership. 

5.  Thus,  in  addition  to  carrying  on  its  propaganda  the 
I.  W.  W.  also  supplied  leadership  to  unorganized  workers  during 
strikes. 

6.  Through  its  propaganda  the  I.  W.  W.  also  influenced 
many  active  and  intelligent  radicals  to  abandon  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  Unions. 

V. 

1.  As  a  propaganda  organization  the  I.  W.  W.  has  succeeded 
in  influencing  large  masses  of  workers,  especially  unskilled  and 
immigrant  workers  in  trustified  industries,  and  American  migra- 
tory workers  in  the  West. 


19 


2.  Through  its  propaganda  activities  it  has  popularized  radi- 
cal trade  unionism,  and  anti-American  Federation  of  Labor 
sentiment. 

VI. 

1.  As  an  economic  organization  it  has  proved  a  failure. 
Outside  of  supplying  leadership  during  spontaneous  strikes,  aid- 
ing dissatisfied  elements  of  the  American  Federaton  of  Labor 
unions,  and  keeping  migratory  workers  of  the  West  together,  it 
has  confined  its  activities  to  propaganda  work. 

1.  a.  It  failed  to  establish  stable  economic  organizations 
in  industries  where  its  counsel  and  leadership  was  accepted; 

b.  It  discouraged  accumulation  of  funds  for  financing 
strikes  and  routine  activities; 

c.  It  did  not  aid  local  leaders  to  perpetuate  unions  founded 
during  strikes  so  as  to  see  that  the  condition  won  by  those 
strikes  were  not  taken  away  from  the  workers  after  returning 
to  work; 

d.  It  did  not  supply  counsel  and  guidance  during  normal 
times. 

VII. 

1.  As  many  of  the  local  leaders  began  to  acquire  experi- 
ence and  to  familiarize  themselves  with  conditions  elsewhere, 
they  realized  the  shortcomings  of  the  I.  W.  W. 

2.  These  leaders  counselled  and  secured  the  repudiation  of 
the  I.  W.  W.  and  the  formation  instead  of  independent  unions. 

3.  Several  unions  were  organized,  retaining  belief  in  the 
ultimate  abolition  of  capitalism,  but  also  aiming  to  establish 
strong  and  stable  unions  that  will  better  existing  conditions  and 
protect  immediate  interests  of  the  workers. 

4.  Another  element  of  the  former  I.  W.  W.  adherents  is 
even  opposed  to  independent  unions,  and  is  urging  the  radicals 
to  join  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  unions  in  order  to 
"bore  from  within"  and  capture  these  unions. 

Readings: 

Hoxie,  Robert  F. — Trade  Unionism  in  the  United  States, 
Chap.  VI — I.  W.  W.  and  Revolutionary  Unionism. 

Marot,  Helen  A. — American  Trade  Unions,  Chap  IV.  The 
Industrial  Workers  of  the  World. 

Brissenden,  Paul  F. — The  History  of  the  I.  W.  W. 

Savage,  Marian  D. — Industrial  Unionism,  Part  II. 

Budish  and  Soule— The  New  Unionism,  Chap.  IV;  The 
Unions;  Their  Beginning  and  Growth. 

Groat,  George  G. — Organized  Labor  in  America;  Chap. 
XXVIII,  Revolutionary  Industrial  Unionism. 

Leiserson,  Wm.  M. — Adjusting  Immigrant  and  Industry,  pp. 
178-184. 

Saposs — Left  Wing  Unionism,  Chap.  IX,  X  and  XI. 


20 


7.    THE  ROLE  OF  THE  IMMIGRANT  IN  THE 
LABOR  MOVEMENT 


I. 

1.  The  American  Labor  Movement  has  been  considerably 
influenced  by  the  European  labor  movements. 

2.  What  might  be  called  an  indigenous  labor  movement 
functioned  in  the  early  history  of  the  Country. 

3.  But  the  late  thirties  mark  the  beginning  of  a  new  mass 
immigration  from  three  sources  in  the  folio  wing  importance: 

Ireland,  Germany  and  England. 

4.  Nor  were  these  immigrants  received  any  more  cordially 
than  the  more  recent  immigrants.  Even  the  English,  although 
descended  from  the  same  stock  as  the  Americans,  were  unwel- 
come. 

II. 

1.  But  these  sturdy  immigrants  were  undaunted  and  im- 
mediately proceeded  on  their  own  initiative  to  adapt  themselves 
to  their  new  surroundings. 

2.  The  English  immigrant  workers,  having  trades,  knowing 
the  language  and  customs,  and  having  had  experience  in  the  la- 
bor movement  at  home,  soon  became  an  influential  part  of  the 
American  labor  movement. 

a.  Because  of  their  influence  and  the  convictions,  borne 
of  bitter  experience,  of  such  young  immigrant  leaders 
as  Adolph  Strasser  andSamuel  Gompers,  the  English 
speaking  branch  of  the  American  Labor  Movement 
copied  after  the  British  model  of  trade  unionism;  now 
known  as  "pure  and  simple"  unionism. 

3.  The  Irish,  eminating  from  the  backward,  agricultural 
commutities  possessing  neither  trades  nor  previous  contact  with 
the  labor  movement,  became  the  common  laborers  of  the 
country. 

a.  Gradually  their  children  advanced  up  the  rungs  of  the 
industrial  ladder  becoming  the  skilled  workers. 

b.  And  because  of  their  political  predelictions  they  also 
became  the  leaders  of  the  American  labor  movement. 

c.  Not  having  acquired  a  social  philosophy  in  the  country 

of  theid  origin  they  naturally  accepted  the  news  cur- 
rent in  the  labor  movement. 

4.  The  Germans  also  did  not  wait  for  assistance  but  set 
about  to  adapt  themselves  to  the  new  conditions.  Unlike  the 
Irish  a  large  number  came  from  industrial  centers  and  were 
trained  workers.  And  like  the  English  they  had  been  part  of 
a  virile  labor  movement. 

a.  They  differed  from  the  English  in  that  they  sponsored 
radical  and  socialist  unionism  and  independent  working 
class  political  action. 

21 


The  German  mass  immigration  also  included  experi- 
enced labor  leaders  and  intellectuals  who  were  thor- 
oughly familiar  with  the  theoretical  and  practical  aspir- 
ations of  the  labor  movement. 
Having  had  experience  in  the  fatherland  and  finding 
themselves  the  controlling  factor  in  many  unorganized 
industrial  centers  and  trades  they  naturally  set  about 
to  found  their  own  unions,  labor  press  and  other  edu- 
cational auxiliaries  as  well  as  their  own  political  or 
socialist  clubs. 

III. 

1.  Thus  this  country  witnessed  the  simultaneous  de- 
velopment of  an  English  speaking  labor  movement  featuring 
pure  and  simple  unionism,  and  a  German  speaking  labor  move- 
ment sponsoring  industrial  and  radical  unionism,  and  independ- 
ent working  class  and  socialist  political  action. 

2.  Clashing  over  ideologies  these  parallel  movements  gen- 
erally cooperated  in  practical  matters. 

IV. 

1.  The  recent  immigration  has  in  many  respects  repeated 
the  course  of  the  early  immigration. 

2.  The  bulk  of  the  Southern  and  Eastern  European  im- 
migration comes  from  agricultural  districts,  is  of  peasant  stock 
and  Catholic.  They  resemble  the  Irish  with  the  additional  han- 
dicap of  speaking  strange  tongues. 

3.  Because  of  their  helplessness  they  at  first  became  the 
prey  of  mercenary  fellow  countrymen  and  greedy  employers. 
Unacquainted  with  modern  industry  and  not  knowing  anything 
about  labor  organization  they  remained  unorganized  until  the 
existing  unions,  of  which  the  United  Mine  Workers  and  the 
I.  W.  W.  are  the  most  notable  examples,  offered  them  a  help- 
ing hand. 

a.  Once  they  became  schooled  in  the  method  of  organized 
labor  they  remained  its  staunchest  and  most  progres- 
sive adherents.  At  present  they  are  the  backbone  of 
most  of  the  unions  in  such  basic  industries  as  mining, 
metal  branches,  railroad  shops,  meat  packing,  wood 
working,  textiles,  etc. 

At  first  these  immigrant  workers  unquestioningly  followed 
the  leaders  of  the  unions  which  organized  them.  But  after  hav- 
ing become  orientated  they  began  to  assert  themselves  through 
their  own  leaders  and  press. 

5.  In  the  "pure  and  simple"  unions,  they  generally  al- 
ligned  themselves  with  those  English  speaking  workers  who 
hold  that  their  unions  should  supplement  their  activities  for 
the  betterment  of  immediate  conditions  with  support  of  causes 
that  advocate  the  attainment  of  a  new  social  order. 


22 


6.  On  the  other  hand  the  immigrant  workers  that  were 
led  by  the  L  W.  W.  abandoned  it  after  a  few  years  of  practical 
experience.  Their  disappointment  in  the  I.  W.  W.  was  not  be- 
cause of  its  radicalism,  which  had  captivated  their  imagination, 
and  to  which  they  subscribed  wholeheartedly. 

7.  On  the  contrary  they  disapproved  of  its  lack  of  sym- 
pathy for  practical  trade  union  policies  and  its  scorn  for  stable 
and  permanent  unions  that  would  protect  and  further  the  im- 
mediate interests  of  its  members  while  propagating  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  wage  system. 

8.  As  a  result  these  immigrant  workers  founded  unions 
independent  of  both  the  I.  W,  W.  and  the  A.  F.  of  L, 

V. 

1.  Among  the  recent  immigrants  several  races,  particu- 
larly the  Jews,  closely  resemble  the  Germans.  While  not  com- 
ing entirely  from  industrial  centers  and  practicing  skilled  trades, 
the  Jews  came  largely  from  commercial  centers  where  they  had 
contact  with  radical  political  movements.  A  large  number  of 
their  intellectuals  possessed  a  theoretical  and  practical  knowl- 
edge of  the  world  labor  movements. 

2.  Hence  when  the  Jewish  immigrant  workers  found 
themselves  in  unorganized  trades  and  industries  in  this  coun- 
try, as  in  the  needle  trades,  they  did  not  long  remain  a  helpless 
prey  of  either  mercenary  fellow  country  men  or  greedy  em- 
ployers. 

3.  Like  the  Germans,  they  set  about  to  organize  their  own 
labor  movement  with  its  unions,  press,  benefit  societies,  cooper- 
atives and  propaganda  clubs. 

4.  Their  movement  parallels,  but  at  the  same  time  is  an 
integral  part  of  the  American  Labor  Movement.  Where  na- 
tional unions  existed  the  Jewish  workers  upon  organizing  them- 
selves sought  affiliation.  Where  no  national  unions  existed,  or 
the  existing  national  unions  proved  unsympathetic,  the  Jewish 
workers  founded  their  own  national  unions,  as  witness:  The  In- 
ternational Ladies'  Garment  Workers  Union;  the  Cloth,  Hat, 
Cap,  and  Millinery  Workers  International  Union;  International 
Fur  Workers  Union,  and  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of 
America. 

VL 

1.  But  these  so-called  Jewish  needle  trades  unions  are 
really  a  composite  of  southern  and  eastern  European  races.  — 
The  most  important  being  the  Italians,  Poles,  Bohemians  and 
Lithuanians. 

2.  Indeed,  within  recent  years  the  Italian  immigrant  work- 
ers have  manifested  as  keen  and  intelligent  an  insight  in  the  la- 
bor movement  as  the  Germans  and  Jews.  And  the  other  races 
are  rapidly  assuming  their  full  share  of  responsibility  in  the 
conducts  of  the  affairs  of  the  unions. 


23 


vn. 

1.  Nor  have  these  needle  trades  unions  been  content  with 
merely  imitating  the  progressive  German  and  French  speaking 
labor  movement. 

2.  In  addition  to  practicing  the  progressive  policies  of 
unionism,  socialism  and  cooperation  they  have  been  the  pioneers 
in  launching  and  imitating  many  vital  activities. 

a.  They  were  the  first  to  appreciate  the  significance  of 
Workers'  Education  in  which  the  International  Ladies 
Garment  Workers  Union  was  the  pioneer. 

b.  These  unions  were  among  the  first  to  appreciate  the 
importance  of  research  and  investigation  as  a  basis  for 
effective  and  intelligent  action. 

c.  They  were  the  first  to  improve  on  the  old  collective 
bargaining  practices  by  introducing  methods  now  char- 
acterized as  the  first  steps  in  constitutionalism  in  in- 
dustry. This  consists  of  a  form  of  machinery  func- 
tioning continuously  and  giving  the  workers  an  equal 
voice  with  the  employer  in  the  administration  of 
working  conditions. 

d.  To  the  needle  trades  unions  also  goes  the  credit  of 
being  the  first  to  wage  successful  campaigns  for  the 
44  hour  week. 

e.  At  present  these  unions  are  leading  in  the  attempt  to 

stabilize  industry  and  reduce  unemployment  to  a  mini- 
mum, through  the  pressure  of  unemployment  insur- 
ance financed  by  the  industry. 

f.  These  needle  trades  unions  are  also  equaling  the  ef- 

forts of  the  remainder  of  the  labor  movement  in  or- 
ganizing labor  banks  so  as  to  use  the  financial  re- 
sources of  the  workers  in  controlling  credit  in  the  in- 
terests of  labor. 

g.  And  now  the  needle  trades  workers  are  turning  their 
attention  to  the  organization  of  the  American  work- 
ers in  their  trades,  while  this  is  a  difficult  task,  their  ex- 
perience thus  far  seems  to  indicate  that  they  will 
master  it  as  they  have  other  difficult  undertakings. 

REFERENCES: 

Hourwich,  Immigration  and  Labor,  Chapter  XV. 

Jenles  &  Lauck,  The  Immigration  Problem,  Chapter  XI. 

Saposs,  The  Mind  of  Immigrant  Communities,  Chapter  IV,  in  Interchureh 
Steel  Strike  Report  on  Publiic  Opinion  and  the  Steel  Strike, 

Leiserson,  Adjusting  Immigrant  and  Industry,  Chap.  IX  to  X!!. 

Schulter,  The  Brewing  Industry  and  the  Brewery  Workers'  Movement  in 
America^ 

Budleh  &  Soule,  The  New  Unionism. 
Levine,  The  Women's  Garment  Workers, 
Wolman,  The  Chicago  Ciothlng  Workers, 

Saposs,  The  Immigrant  in  the  "Labor  Movement,  In  the  Modern  Quarterly, 
February-April,  1926, 


24 


8.    THE  INTELLECTUAL  IN  THE  LABOR  MOVEMENT 


L 

In  the  Labor  Movement  the  term  intellectual  is  used  to 
designate  those  persons  whose  economic  interest  and  livelihood 
lie,  for  the  time  being,  in  any  direction  other  than  that  of  wages 
derived  from  their  own  annual  work. 

n. 

More  recently,  the  term  has  been  restricted  to  exclude  so- 
called  brain  workers,  who  do  not  earn  their  livelihood  by  manual 
work,  such  as  teachers,  actors,  scientific  workers,  etc.  These 
have  organized  their  unions  on  the  same  lines  as  other  work- 
ers, and  have  thereby  become  a  part  of  the  Labor  Movement, 
subject  to  the  discipline  of  their  union. 

m. 

With  this  qualification,  the  word  intellectual  applies  to  per- 
sons who  have  an  interest  in  the  Labor  Movement  but  are  not 
necessarily  subject  to  the  discipline  of  the  organizations  com- 
posing the  Labor  Movement.  Most  of  the  intellectuals  have 
come  from  the  following  groups: 

a.  Business  men  and  capitalists  with  a  philanthropic  or 
political  turn  of  mind. 

b.  Professional  men,  especially  lawyers,  and  editors,  and 
more  recently  educators,  economists,  accountants,  en- 
gineers, medical  men,  etc. 

c.  Speculative  philosophers  and  reformers. 

d.  A  number  began  as  union  men  and  workers  and  later 
acquired  a  profession  or  business,  but  retained  their  in- 
terest in  the  Labor  Movement. 

IV. 

Historically,  the  intellectual  has  been  with  the  Labor  Move- 
ment from  its  very  inception.  As  early  as  1827,  intellectuals 
like  Robert  Owen  and  Francis  Wright  allied  themselves  with  the 
economic,  political  and  cooperative  movement  of  the  workers. 

V. 

The  objective  of  the  early  intellectuals  was  to  direct  the 
workers  away  from  their  interests  as  a  class,  and  to  lead  them 
towards  affiliation  with  other  classes. 

a.  Later  the  intellectuals  became  the  most  important  ad- 
vocates of  Socialist  and  class  conscious  philosophies 
and  concentrated  their  energies  in  spreading  revolu- 
tionary ideas  in  the  Labor  Movement. 

b.  Few  intellectuals  ever  became  actual  leaders  in  trade 
unions. 

c.  A  good  number  of  them  have  taken  an  important  part 
in  the  educational,  political  and  cooperative  move- 
ments. 


25 


d.  In  Europe  intellectuals  have  also  played  an  important 
role  in  the  trade  union  movement. 

VI. 

Unfortunately,  the  conduct  of  an  element  among  the  intel- 
lectuals has  made  the  Labor  Movement  suspicious  and  antagon- 
istic towards  them. 

a.  Since  some  of  them  had  independent  income,  it  was 
not  necessary  for  them  to  seek  a  responsible  position 
as  a  means  of  livelihood.  Being  unanchored,  they  be- 
came irresponsible  and  erratic — free  lances. 

b.  They  assumed  a  dictatorial  attitude  of  prophets,  in- 
stead of  one  of  individuals  in  an  integral  movement. 

c.  The  self-centered  element  has  contributed  consider- 
ably to  the  discrediting  of  the  intellectuals  with  the 
Labor  Movement. 

vn. 

In  the  meantime,  a  new  group  of  intellectuals  aligned  them- 
selves with  the  Labor  Movement. 

a.  They  consist  of  technically  trained  professionals,  such 
as  economists,  statisticians,  accountants,  engineers, 
health  authorities,  educators,  etc.,  who  instead  of  con- 
sidering themselves  leaders,  aim  to  supplement  the 
leaders  in  the  Labor  Movement  by  supplying  them  with 
technical  counsel  and  data. 

b.  These  technicians  are  rendering  yeomen  service  to  or- 
ganized labor  in  supplying  data  and  counsel  in  connec- 
tion with  the  various  intricate  undertakings  and  activ- 
ities of  the  Labor  Movement. 

REFERENCES: 

Michels,  Political  Parties.  Part  4,  Chapter  VI,  Intellectuals  and  the  need 
for  them  in  the  Working  Class  Parties,  p,  316. 

Cory,  The  Intellectuals  and  the  Wage  Workers.    Chapter  II,  Proletarian- 

ism. 

Soule,  The  Intellectual  and  the  Labor  Movement. 

Gompers,  College  Men  and  the  American  Labor  Movement.  American  Fe- 
derationist,  March,  1922. 

Saposs,  Unionizing  the  Brain  Worker.    Labor  Aage,  December,  1922. 

Saposs.  Underlying  Factors  in  Workers'  Education.  Justice,  April  13, 
1923. 

9.    THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

I. 

1.  The  American  Federation  of  Labor  is  the  predecessor 
of  a  number  of  national  organizations  of  unions. 

2.  The  labor  movement  was  not  long  in  existence  before 
it  was  realized  that  all  unions  have  national  interests  in  com- 
mon. With  this  feeling  plans  were  evolved  for  national  organi- 
zation of  existing  unions. 

26 


n. 

1.  The  first  national  federation  of  trade  unions  was 
founded  in  1835,  less  than  ten  years  following  the  formation  of 
the  first  city  centrals  and  beginning  of  the  labor  movement. 

2.  This  federation  was  called  the  National  Trades'  Union 
and  was  organized  on  different  principals  than  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor. 

3.  It  was  composed  of  city  centrals  over  whose  action  it 
had  considerable  control  to  the  extent  of  even  requiring  them 
to  contribute  to  a  national  strike  fund. 

4.  But  the  labor  movement  was  still  too  unstable  for  per- 
manent organization  so  that  the  National  Trades'  Union  was 
short  lived. 

in. 

1.  The  spirit  for  national  organization  of  unions  persisted, 
however,  so  that  thenceforth  attempts  were  made  periodically. 

1.  Of  these  the  most  substantial  and  far-reaching  was  the 
Knights  of  Labor.  It  was  also  the  immediate  predecessor  of  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor. 

3.  Founded  in  1869  as  a  secret  organization  by  a  union  of 
Garment  Cutters  in  Philadelphia,  it  at  first  struggled  along  with- 
out a  formal  national  organization. 

4.  It  merely  interested  detached  unions  in  assuming  its 
name  and  in  forming  local  district  assemblies  or  what  are  now 
called  central  labor  unions. 

5.  By  1876  the  need  for  a  national  organization  again  came 
to  the  surface  and  the  Knights  of  Labor  was  formed  on  a  na- 
tional scale. 

6.  At  first  it  grew  slowly  in  membership  and  floundered 
considerably  in  its  aims  and  politics,  but  gradually  it  became 
articulate  and  experienced  a  phenomenal  increase  in  member- 
ship. 

IV. 

1.  In  the  course  of  the  struggle  between  a  variety  of  con- 
flicting elements  certain  policies  came  into  the  ascendency. 

2.  Philosophically  it  was  middle-class,  believing  in  cooper- 
ation and  political  action  that  would  usher  in  a  society  of  self- 
employed,  small  property  owners. 

3.  Economically  it  was  grudgingly  committed  to  unions, 
strikes,  boycotts  and  the  label.  But  none  of  the  present-day 
policies  that  have  made  trade  union  action  effective  and  suc- 
cessful received  serious  consideration  even  by  those  who  thought 
of  them. 

4.  Governmentally  the  Knights  of  Labor  was  a  highly  cen- 
tralized organization,  virtually  giving  absolute  and  dictatorial 
power  to  its  higher  officials  and  General  Executve  Board. 

a.    Its  General  Executive  Board  could  order  and  call  off 
strikes  of  any  of  its  subordinate  units. 


27 


b.  It  controlled  the  funds  and  other  activities  of  its  affi- 
liated bodies. 

c.  This  policy  more  than  any  other  led  to  its  final  collapse. 

d.  It  required  more  than  human  intelligence  to  minutely 
supervise  and  direct  the  affairs  of  the  entire  Labor 
Movement  from  one  central  headquarters  and  by  a 
handful  of  ordinary  men. 

V. 

1.  The  American  Federation  of  Labor  built  upon  the  mis- 
takes of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and  its  predecessors.  Never- 
theless it  floundered  about  for  a  short  period  before  it  settled 
on  its  present  course. 

2.  From  1881  to  1886  it  was  known  as  the  Federation  of 
Organized  Trades  and  Labor  Unions  of  the  United  States  and 
Canada. 

3.  Its  exclusive  aim  then  was  to  further  the  legislative  in- 
terest of  organized  Labor. 

4.  Since  1886  it  has  reversed  its  position  completely.  Now 
it  regards  attending  to  the  legislative  interest  of  Labor  as  one 
of  its  activities  and  considers  its  chief  object  to  further  trade 
unionism  or  economic  organization  of  the  workers. 

5.  With  this  aim  in  view  it  set  out  to  aid  its  affiliated 
unions  in 

a.  Organizing  their  trades. 

b.  Encouraging  organization  among  the  unorganized. 

c.  Fostering  concerted  action  in  matters  that  transcend 
the  interests  of  any  one  trade. 

6.  Its  chief  activity  is  centered  at  present  on  the  latter; 
namely,  in  attending  to  matters  that  concern  organized  Labor 
in  common  as 

a.  Advertising  the  union  label  and  boycotts. 

b.  Counteracting  the  "open  shop"  movement. 

c.  Safeguarding  the  interests  of  Labor  in  the  use  of 
injunctions  in  the  labor  disputes. 

d.  Voicing  organized  Labor's  aspirations  and  aims. 

7.  Philosophically  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  is 
opportunistic  and  protectionistic. 

a.  It  accepts  the  wage  system  and  believes  workers 
should  organize  into  trade  unions  and  otherwise 
mass  their  strength  in  order  to  protect  their  interests 
as  wage  workers. 

b.  It  considers  aspirations  to  abolish  the  wage  system 
as  a  mere  day  dream  and  that  the  immediate  interest 
of  the  workers  is  its  prime  concern. 

8.  a.    Tactically   it  advocates  concentration   upon  trade 

union  or  economic  action,  being  of  the  opinion  that 
the  worker's  strength  rests  in  his  power  to  withhold 
his  labor  and  his  patronage. 


28 


b.  Regarding  politics  as  inconsequential  and  fraught 
with,  many  pitfalls  it  eschews  independent  political 
action.  It  feels  that  the  little  Labor  wants  from  the 
Government  can  best  be  obtained  by  non-partisan 
action,  now  popularly  known  as  "Reward  your 
friends  and  punish  your  enemies"  policy. 

c.  This  is  based  on  the  theory  that  in  a  country  with 
two  political  parties  it  can  exercise  greater  influence 
by  attempting  to  hold  "the  balance  of  power"  in 
elections. 

d.  Since  it  believes  primarily  in  trade  union  action,  its 
legislative  or  political  demands  are  largely  of  a  nega- 
tive nature. 

1.  Removing  restrictions  or  encroachments  of  Gov- 
ernmental agencies  upon  its  trade  union  activ- 
ities, as  interference  of  the  courts  in  strikes  and 
boycotts,  and  legislative  enactments  regulating 
or  prohibiting  strikes,  as  the  Kansas  Industrial 
Courts  Act 

2.  Restricting  immigration  so  as  not  to  flood  the 
Labor  market  with  workers  of  a  lower  standard 
of  living. 

e.  Likewise,  believing  that  the  workers  should  rely 
chiefly  upon  their  economic  power  it  opposes  posi- 
tive legislation  to  improve  their  condition.  They 
should  not  be  taught  to  rely  on  government  or  any 
other  agency  for  the  betterment  of  working  condi- 
tions. 

1.  It  has  consistently  opposed  all  forms  of  social  in- 
surance, even  workingmen's  compensation,  as 
well  as  old  age  pension,  health  insurance,  etc. 

VI. 

1.  Within  recent  years  the  position  of  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  has  been  gradually  modified  so  that  it  is 
now  demanding  positive  legislation  that  will  supplement  union 
effort  in  the  betterment  of  the  conditions  of  the  workers  and 
of  the  public. 

2.  It  favors  workmen's  compensation  legislation,  even  hav- 
ing gone  on  record  for  a  State  monopoly  of  accident  insurance. 

3.  It  has  also  endorsed  Government  ownership  of  railroads 
after  a  persistent  and  bitter  struggle  led  by  the  unions  affiliated 
with  the  Railway  Employes  Department. 

4.  This  action  was  later  supplemented  by  a  blanket  decla- 
ration for  industrial  democracy  which  presupposes  some  form 
of  socialization  of  at  least  basic  industries. 

5.  At  the  Portland  Convention  (1923)  the  American  Fed- 
eration of  Labor  also  declared  more  specifically  that  industrial 
democracy  should  parallel  political  democracy,  indicating  that 
it  favors  a  future  system  ox  society  in  which  labor  will  have  a 
definite  voice  in  the  control  and  management  of  industry. 


2? 


6.  At  this  convention  it  also  declared  for  Government  own- 
ership and  operation  of  the  contemplated  super-power  develop- 
ment in  order  to  prevent  private  interests  from  exploiting  this 
project  for  personal  gain. 

7.  Simultaneous  with  this  modification  of  its  position  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  has  begun  to  avail  itself  of  the 
services  of  technicians  as  engineers,  economists,  hygienists,  etc., 
evidently  realizing  that  no  great  social  movement  can  effectively 
further  its  cause  without  technical  aid. 

8.  At  the  same  time  it  has  also  become  interested  in  work- 
ers' education  by  officially  endorsing  and  participating  in  the 
conduct  of  the  Workers'  Education  Bureau  of  America. 

VII. 

1.  A  rather  powerful  minority  in  the  Federation  composed 
of  Socialists  and  other  advocates  of  independent  political  action 
have  made  powerful  presentation  of  their  views  at  Federation 
Conventions. 

2.  These  elements  also  exercise  considerable  influence  in  a 
number  of  the  international  unions,  as  well  as  state  federations 
and  city  centrals. 

3.  The  Communist  element  is  active  almost  entirely  in  the 
subsidiary  units  exercising  practically  no  positive  influence  in 
Federation  conventions  and  politcs. 

vni. 

1.  Tactically  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  believes 
that  trade  union  aims  of  improving  living  and  working  condi- 
tions should  be  furthered  through  collective  bargaining  and  trade 
agreements. 

2.  It  holds  that  the  individual  worker  is  no  match  against 
his  bargaining  specialist  employer,  and  workers  should  there- 
fore bargain  collectively  through  their  union. 

3.  The  trade  agreement  is  the  instrument  for  recording 
conditions  agreed  upon  in  the  course  of  collective  bargaining. 
Although  without  legal  sanction  it  is  invariably  more  rigidly 
adhered  to  then  the  usual  contract  enforceable  at  law.  This  is, 
of  course,  essential  in  order  to  maintain  the  good  will  and  faith 
without  which  the  collective  bargaining  relationship  is  valueless. 

IX. 

1.  Constitutionally,  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  is  a 
loose  federation  of  autonomous  and  international  craft,  trade 
and  industrial  unions. 

2.  Each  union  has  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  a  certain 
class  of  workers  upon  which  no  other  national  union  must  en- 
croach. Likewise,  each  national  union  has  absolute  autonomy 
to  conduct  its  internal  affairs  without  outside  interference  by 
the  Federation  or  any  other  national  union. 

3.  Consequently,  while  the  majority  of  the  affiliated  unions 
are  conservative,  a  number  are  Socialist  or  radical  unions.  Sim- 


30 


ilarly,  although  the  prevailing  opinion  is  for  craft  unionism,  a 
number  of  the  unions  are  industrial  or  semi-industral  in  struc- 
ture. 

X. 

1.  Structurally,  the  dominant  unit  in  the  Federation  is  the 
national  or  international  union.  Not  only  has  it  complete  auton- 
omy but  the  voting  strength  of  the  international  unions  is  based 
on  membership  whereas  the  other  units  as  state  federations, 
city  centrals  and  departments  have  only  one  vote  each  irrespec- 
tive of  size  of  membership. 

2.  State  federations  and  city  centrals  are  directly  account- 
able to  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  and  are  designed  to 
duplicate  the  activities  of  the  Federation  in  their  respective  ge- 
ographic areas.  They  further  the  political  interest  of  the  trade 
union  movement  and  aid  in  making  their  economic  activities  a 
success  by  helpng  in  organizing  workers  in  conducting  strikes 
and  in  making  the  boycott  and  union  label  effective. 

3.  With  the  growth  of  large  scale  and  trustified  industry, 
industrial  departments  were  created.  Their  function  is  to  co- 
ordinate and  further  concerted  action  of  the  various  unions, 
having  members  in  a  particular  industry,  as  railroad,  building, 
metal  trades.  Each  union,  however,  still  retains  complete 
autonomy  being  at  liberty  to  withdraw  or  to  decline  to  abide  by 
the  decision  of  the  other  unions  composing  the  department. 

XL 

1.  The  American  Federation  of  Labor  has  the  distinction 
of  being  the  first  national  federation  of  unions  in  this  country 
to  withstand  recurrent  storms  and  stress  periods  of  depression. 
Past  federations  disappeared  in  a  few  years  largely  because  the 
unions  could  not  weather  periods  of  depression. 

2.  The  Federation  and  practically  all  the  unions  affiliated 
with  it  have  enjoyed  a  continuous  existence  since  their  inception. 
The  membership  has  steadily  increased  although  it  has  receded 
from  the  peak  at  intervals. 

3.  The  present  period  of  depression  has  cut  into  its  mem- 
bership most  heavily,  the  unions  affiliated  with  the  Federation 
having  lost  over  half  the  membership  gained  during  the  prosper- 
ity period  of  the  war. 

REFERENCES: 
Mary  Beard — Short  History  of  the  American  Labor  Movement,  Chapters 
9  nad  10. 

Perlman — History  of  Trade  Unionism  in  the  United  States,  Chapters  5 
and  6. 

Hoxie— -Trade  Unionism  in  the  United  States,  Chapter  5. 

Marot — American  Labor  Unions,  Chapter  2. 

Oneal — Workers  in  American  History. 

Groat — Organized  Labor  in  America,  Chapters  6  and  7. 

Saposs — Readings  in  Trade  Unionism. 

Anderson  and  Saposs — The  American  Federation  of  Labor,  a  reading  list 
prepared  for  the  Worker's  Education  Bureau  of  America. 

American  Federation  of  Labor  History,  Encyclpeodia  and  Reference  Book 
issued  by  the  American  Federation  of  Labor. 

Tannenbaum — The  Labor  Movement. 


31 


Conclusion 


THE  FUTURE  OP  TRADE  UNION  ACTION 

It  is  generally  conceded  that  the  union  or  economic  organi 
zation  is  the  center  and  foundation  of  the  Labor  Movement, 
All  other  activities  are  regarded  as  subordinate  and  dependen 
upon  it.  Historically  this  concept  was  contested,  leading  to  bit- 
ter controversy  and  disastrous  division.  But  now  all  factions 
in  the  Labor  Movement  accept  the  proposition  that  all  other  ac 
ctivities  of  the  Labor  Movement  must  center  around  the  union. 
A  large  element  has  interpreted  this  thought  as  meaning  that 
the  Labor  Movement  should  confine  itself  exclusively  to  the  im- 
mediate betterment  of  Labor  through  union  or  economic  action. 
A  small  group  believe  that  even  the  overthrow  of  the  wage  sys- 
*  Jem  can  be  accomplished  by  direct  action.  This  has  proved  a 
fatal  mistake.  Most  unions  that  have  followed  this  narrow  in- 
terpretation are  the  least  effective,  if  not  the  decaying  portions 
of  the  Labor  Movement.  Just  as  life  cannot  be  a  "one  track  af- 
fair," so  the  Labor  Movement  must  interest  itself  in  all  vital 
phases  of  human  endeavor.  Workers'  Education,  a  wide-awake 
Labor  press,  workers'  participation  in  management,  nationaliza- 
tion of  basic  industries,  independent  political  action,  and  a  new 
social  order,  must  also  be  the  intelligent  concern  of  the  Ameri- 
can Labor  Movement.  The  contention  that  these  additional  in- 
terests will  dissipate  the  energy  of  unions  is  wholly  unfounded. 
On  the  contrary,  a  close  scrutiny  will  reveal  that  the  most  suc- 
cessful and  constructively  militant  unions  are  those  that  man- 
ifest this  broader  social  interest  in  the  hopes  and  aspirations  of 
the  Labor  Movement. 


Library  *i**g 

^itat.  of 

University  of  c^"™\a 
Iob  Angeles  24,  California 


32 


UNIVERSE  ofcALIFORNU 
LOS  ANGELES 


